The warm glow from lights shining down the vast hillside on the road from El Alto airport was very welcome as, at 4058m above sea level, the current temperature was -4º. While the taxi sped down to Bolivia's capital city of La Paz I noticed the graffiti slogans everywhere: 'Evo Si' and 'Bolivia Unitad' they called out. Homemade billboards at the roadside show Bolivia's President, Evo Morales holding a coca leaf with the Bolivian and Aymara Flags behind him. Morales is Bolivia's first indigenous President, an Aymara Indian and a coca farmer. He symbolises the recent struggles and successes of Bolivia's Social Movements particularly the indigenous people in their fight for the right to 'live well in Bolivia'. As Morales would explain in our interview later that week his proposal for Bolivia is “to seek equality amongst our people, to ensure the rights of indigenous people and where our services must be in the public sector as they are human rights”. As a personal commitment to that process he has cut the Presidential salary from 40K Bolivianos per year to 15K Bolivianos per year.

Morales rapid rise from coca grower to union organiser, parliament member to president directly reflects the increased political consciousness of Bolivian people and the development of the social movements. As the champion of the coco growers he led protests against the US initiated policy of forced eradication of coca. He was regularly imprisoned and beaten, on one occasion being left for dead by troops.

Morales and his party, Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) were elected to government in Dec 2005 with 80 per cent turnout and 54 per cent of the vote. This was unprecedented in a country where universal suffrage was only won after the 1952 revolution. The majority of Bolivians saw formal political parties of little relevance to them. Particularly the 62 per cent of the population that belong to one of 36 indigenous groups.

Any opposition in the country was championed through the Bolivian Workers Confederation, with the Union Federation of Bolivian Miners at the vanguard. In 1985 the closure of the country's mines threw 25,000 miners out of work. Many miners then re-settled in the highlands where their union experience would be vital in the struggles ahead.

The vacuum left in opposition led governments for the next 20 years to implement neoliberal policies almost unchallenged. Capitalisation (Bolivia's model of privatisation) was applied to all national utilities including telecommunication, airline and rail. Bolivia is a country rich in natural resources and it was the control of these natural resources that focused the violent struggles in Bolivia particularly over land, water and gas.

When visiting the scene of the 'Gas War' in El Alto I met Juan Delfin Mamani, the area's priest. He described 2003 as the time when “all the people suffering woke up”. Protesters against the plan to build a pipeline to carry gas for processing to the US organised a series of strikes, marches and roadblocks. Amidst this background the army was used to break the roadblocks resulting in 8 deaths. The priest explained that news of the deaths was met with anger and made El Alto more resolute. This culminated in an attack on October 12th 2003. They sent in soldiers against our children, with rifles, tanks – we were taken by surprise, the soldiers chased us and started killing us, nearly 70 people… We opened the church to bring in the dead.” The graveyard where they buried the dead is strewn with rubbish as it sits in the shadow of the city's landfill site. A stark reminder of the neglect and indifference that Bolivia has shown to its people in life and in death.

The gas plan was suspended the next day and the government of Sánchez de Lozada collapsed as he fled out of the country for refuge in the US.

The political turmoil and changes in government following the Gas War paved the way for MAS to enter government. The party was only formed in 1999 as the growing social movements recognised that a political response was required. Interestingly MAS do not see themselves as a political party rather ‘a movement of movements’. The economic, cultural and social changes since their election have been significant, including 87 per cent increase in literacy and the installation of drinking water in over one million homes. The money raised by MAS' nationalisation of the gas industry has been fed directly into two policies which directly target poverty. Firstly a payment of $25 per year for children attending school and secondly the introduction of a 'Dignity pension' to all over 60.

However, with a draft constitution that will fundamentally transform Bolivia Morales faces opposition from the current elite. The wealthy and privileged of Bolivia have exploited the natural resources, owned all the fertile land and controlled the media for too long to hand it over easily. The eastern lowland regions held an autonomy referendum in May 2008. The referendum was illegal and unconstitutional but the results have bolstered those campaigning against Morales and his reforms.

The main opposition to the government is based in Santa Cruz. The area is in startling contrast to La Paz with vast green fields growing maize and sunflowers, the temperature over 30º and the wealthiest people of white/Spanish origin. While travelling to San Julian, a MAS supporting town, it was evident that the opposition propaganda machine was working. The taxi driver wondered why I would visit the town “where all the troublemakers live. They build roadblocks and are very narrow minded.” I asked him had he ever wondered why they might protest and build roadblocks; he stated curtly “because they like it, Evo taught them.”

San Julian is a settler’s town where landless people have come from the highlands in the last 30 years. They are at the forefront of the battle for Bolivia as they live in the heart of the right wing opposition. At a packed meeting members of community organisations told me that local government has abandoned the town. After a recent flood they were not given food aid unless they supported the right wing regional leader. Funds that have been donated for the town never make it to the people and it was this corruption that led those in San Julian to protest and build roadblocks during an uprising in 1984. The army were called in, resulting in two dead and over forty wounded.

Not only are they economically punished but they suffer from harassment and discrimination as well. One young man said, “If we go to the city of Santa Cruz we are treated badly, insulted. They call us dogs.” This is Bolivia's own apartheid. On May 24th 2008 a group of indigenous men were rounded up the Santa Cruz Youth Union (UJC), a neo-fascist group. They were paraded through the streets, forced to burn their own red ponchos which are a sign of authority in their own culture and stripped and beaten. This was filmed by the local media and shows the public in Santa Cruz and the media pushing to get closer to the action and only one solitary woman shouting for them not to be beaten.

Despite this intimidation the whole area is unionised. No one is fooled by the autonomy call organised through the elite. A local San Julian Constitutional Assembly member summarised the resolve of the town: “They have burned our houses, this is a permanent struggle, we have touched a feel for being in power and there is no going back”.

While the vast majority of the unions and social movements are backing Morales there remains a minority that is critical. The miners and teachers unions are the main critics challenging on economic and sectoral interests. During my visit these workers were holding strikes to press the government for pension reform. The government's position was summed up by the Mining Minister who explained that the union’s demands were just and that they would be met in due course. Devastating news came mid-week when two miners were killed in Huanuni as the government forces clashed with miners. The Government absolutely insist that no one had live ammunition, yet the talk everywhere is that the members of the right wing were behind the attack. It does not appear to be in Morales's interest to create martyrs on either side.  

Another Morales stronghold in Santa Cruz is an urban area with a population of 270,000 people – District 8. At a meeting in a local school I was joined by members of neighbourhood committees, local MAS leaders and young men describing themselves as the “shock troops”. They have had to organise to defend themselves against attacks from the UJC. They had plans to take control of the local schools on the eve of the Recall Referendum to ensure the fascists did not intimidate or interfere with the voting. While the election may have been their immediate focus one young comrade explained “This isn't a struggle for the President – it is for ourselves.”

The MAS program is not fully developed as their rise and arrival in government was rapid and somewhat unexpected. It is easy from a distance to stand in judgement of Morales and point out his failures; it is much harder to be part of MAS as they pick their way through the challenges ahead. The changes taking place are revolutionary and their vision of a “Dignified Bolivia, where everyone lives well” has some unique characteristics.

Not only do they believe in nationalisation and the redistribution of land and wealth but at the core of their ideology is a set of beliefs related to their Andean culture. The tradition of active participation of every family in a community has enabled them to develop the structures of participation that have become the massive social movements that are their vehicles for change. Also their vision states their respect and commitment to the environment in a manner that would be alien to other governments. At a meeting with David Choquchuanca, Bolivia's Foreign Minister, he reflected on this vision “We are working everyday to ensure that all in Bolivia and in the world can 'live well'. To ensure we embrace the values of our ancestors, values and principles of our grandparents, to create a harmonious life between people and with nature.” 

The votes were counted as I returned to the UK on Sunday 10th. August, Evo Morales increased his majority to 67 per cent.

 Linda Somerville visited Bolivia as part of a delegation from Unite the Union who were offering support and solidarity to the Bolivian Government and the Bolivian people. www.boliviainfoforum.org.uk/